Below is our translation of an analysis from sneg.tv showing how Maduro benefits from the sabotage to the main hydroelectric plant in Venezuela. The fact that Guaidó has already called down fire from above on his already dirt poor countrymen has almost certainly had a dampening effect on the anti-Maduro campaign. The Venezuelan constitution itself calls for non-military solutions to problems with neighbours, and the pope, who carries a lot of clout in Latin America, has made it clear that, for the church, the military option has never been on the table. While the US government sneers at cultural and religious facts like these (Washington: we don’t need no stinkin’ knowledge), they do in fact greatly affect political life in Latin America, and the fact that Trump and Guaidó have both spoken in favour of a military invasion that would kill thousands has no doubt changed minds and cooled tempers in the country, even among opponents of Maduro.
Some facts about Venezuela that are receiving short shrift in Western media.
China and Russia have only recently signed contracts with the country to help boost the economy and lift people out of poverty. Investments include $5 billion from China and $6 billion from Russia. The contracts support projects to build up neglected oil refining infrastructure. The fact that these contracts are very recent means there has not been sufficient time to implement them. The US knows about these and knows that if it allows Venezuela time for the contracts to positively affect the economy, the Maduro government can progress economically, obviating the need for US help. This is why Trump and team, as well as his puppets in the Venezuelan Assembly are in a big hurry to eliminate Maduro. Let us remember that Trump had said he would tell Libya “we’ll help you but we want 50% of your oil,” while adviser Bolton had said “It will make a big difference to the United States economically if we could have American oil companies invest in and produce the oil capabilities in Venezuela.” They weren’t talking about “humanitarian” aid back then. In fact, since September 2017, Venezuelans have been prevented by the Trump-Borges embargo from buying medicines. And they’ve been blaming Maduro.
Further, the Venezuela National Assembly has passed a law that permits foreign intervention to oust Maduro. What’s wrong with that, you say?
It’s blatantly unconstitutional:
Artículo 152 of the Venezuelan constitution says.
“The Republic’s international relations… are governed by the principles of independence,… free determination and non-intervention in its internal affairs, peaceful solution of international conflicts, ….(etc).”
Yeltsin in reverse
March 12, 2019
A blackout that occurred in Venezuela on March 7, forced the parliament of this country to introduce a state of emergency.
The parliament is in opposition to President Nicolas Maduro, and its speaker, Juan Guaidó, has proclaimed himself the interim head of state.
The decree introduces a state of emergency for 30 days, after which the period can be extended if necessary.
The cause of the massive power outage was an act of sabotage at the Simon Bolivar hydroelectric station, the largest in the country. Two saboteurs were arrested, but the consequences of the sabotage have not been completely eliminated until now.
The situation in Venezuela mirrored the situation in Russia in 1993, where for several months the confrontation between the president and parliament also grew, only to the exact opposite effect: in Russia, the parliament was pro-socialist, and the president was reformatory.
But as in the case of Russia 1993, the efforts of the Venezuelan parliament to seize power are doomed to failure, says Vladimir Travkin, editor-in-chief of Latin America magazine, in a conversation with SNEG.TV.
Guaidó can declare a state of emergency just as well as he can declare the onset of winter, which does not happen in Venezuela. Because the parliament is the legislative branch of power, and for this reason it does not have mechanisms for enforcing its decisions. For this purpose, the executive power exists, which Nicolas Maduro currently represents, the expert reminds.
According to Travkin, all the actions of the anti-Muduro opposition in recent months reveal the inconsistency and impulsiveness of its leaders, who act according to the principle: the main thing is to start a fight, and then act on the situation.
The most recent opposition actions - first the terrorist attack on the power plant, then the declaration of the state of emergency in this regard - show that Maduro's opponents are acting chaotically and, by and large, playing into the hands of their opponent, the expert believes.
By arranging a nationwide blackout, they hardly aroused the sympathy of a single Venezuelan, because politics is politics, but closing schools and hospitals equally affects both Maduro supporters and his opponents. And the more such chaotic actions the opposition is satisfied with, the stronger are the positions of the official president, who uses such actions to confirm that the opposition is acting against the national interests of Venezuela, says Travkin.
The announcement of a state of emergency can be a fatal mistake for the opposition if Maduro wants to use it and is able to do so.
The state of emergency gives the president extraordinary powers. It is clear that the parliament keeps in mind that he hands over such authority to his speaker. But officially, the president remains Maduro! And he can now say: Bien, I approve your decision, I accept such powers, suspend the constitution and dissolve your parliament. And it will be strictly according to the law, the expert says.
According to the laws of Venezuela, the decree on the state of emergency is announced by the president, and no later than eight days after its announcement, the decree must be submitted to the National Assembly, as well as to the Supreme Court to verify the decree for compliance with the country's constitution.